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One Hundred Fifty Years Ago - Oct. 11, 1860


New Orleans, La., Wednesday October 10, 1860
Page four, column one

By and by there will not be enough of the disunionists left for seed. Toombs of Georgia, to be sure, keeps up appearances and talks valorously of what he will do against Lincoln when he and his associates have succeeded in electing him, as they sanguinely hope to do; but elsewhere, neither Yancey, the head of the movement to precipitate the cotton states into revolution, nor Breck, nor any of them dare talk of nullification once a resort when they have put the abolitionist in the White House. Even the terrible Keitt has taken to indicting eulogies of the old renegade Buchanan; and old Oregon war debt, go-out Joe Lane, in his recent big talk in Indiana, avowed himself a submissionist should his friends succeed in electing old Abe, the rail splitter. In this deplorable condition of the nullification cause, we can better appreciate the wh ilom (?) announcement of the Charleston Mercury, that it would not publish the speeches of it presidential and vice presidential candidates if they degraded themselves by taking the stump; for, in Carolina, neither Breckinridge’s refusal to say what he would do if Lincoln be elected, nor old Joe’s submission principles would suit the Palmetto fire-eaters. In Mississippi, where Jeff Davis rules the roost, the secessionists are made of more malleable materials, and their Gog and Magog tells them that it is the quintessence of southern loyalty for Breck to keep his tongue in his cheek in Kentucky, and the purest nullification chivalry for old Joe to blather out submission in Indiana, the redoubtable body who sneeze when Jeff Davis takes snuff will swear it is all right and just as it ought to be. We truly pity and compassionate (?) the sincere secessionist, if in the present confusion of politics, such an eccentric person is anywhere to be found, for surely he has a hard road to travel. Hurrah for old submission Joe!

Page five, column two

Home Department

In the City and Still Coming.
On the nights of the late great Douglas and Johnson, and Bell and Everett parade, not a few of our “can’t-get-aways” expressed much astonishment at the swarming multitude present. They did not before realize that New Orleans had so many people within its limits who could thus get loose to look upon nocturnal pageants.

The truth is, we have always, even during the warmest, dullest summer, a large population. Comparatively few leave their comfortable homes, unless some great attraction induces them to do so, preferring to woo the breeze, walk in their gardens, enjoy a siesta in their houses, rather than brave the sun.

Then again, the city is very long, and those who do come out in warm weather are scattered over a vast extent of ground, there being no great central channel, such as Broadway, but all the streets enjoying something of an equal reputation in the way of business and promenading. When, however, the weather becomes cool, and the blood grows riper, richer, fresher, redder, the vast human hive send out its multitudes, and all is brisk and attractive out doors. When a cool, bracing morning comes, how lively the streets become! People move about as if on springs, and we see in an hour’s walk faces that have not appeared on the banquette for some time. These faces make their appearance as suddenly as if their owners had just returned from a visit to the north or west. Something of the kind might have been observed yesterday morning, yet the air was hardly invigorating enough to make people stir about very briskly.

New faces, strange faces, we greet now on the streets every day. Railroads and steamboats and steamships beg in to register large numbers of passengers bound for this gay metropolis, and our hotels are now receiving the first companies of the “innumerable caravan” that comes hither every season. Multitudes will soon pour into the city as thickly as Napoleon’s men poured into Moscow, but thank Heaven they meet with no such fate. On the contrary they meet nothing more than Morris’ “golden sunshine and silver rain,” departing with a lively appreciation of the gaiety and glory of metropolitan life, an insight into this great, quaint combination of Paris and New York.


New Orleans, La., Thursday October 11, 1860
Page one, column seven

TROUBLE IN FLORIDA – The Pensacola Tribune of the 6th inst., reports that Calhoun county in that State, is in a condition of outlawry. There has existed in that county, for years past, a set of Murrellites, whose objects have been plunder and murder. Law has been set at defiance by them. A few days ago citizens of that county formed themselves into a company of Regulators, for the purpose of ridding the country of these pests. They met several and were fired upon, wounding two of their men. The Regulators returned the fire, killing two and wounding three of this gang. Gen. Wm. E. Anderson, we learn, has ordered out a company of militia from Jackson county, to proceed to the seat of war.
Page two, column one

THE PENNSYLVANIA ELECTION – According to the telegraph, Pennsylvania has voted for Curtin, the Black Republican candidate for Governor by twenty thousand majority. The result has sadly disappointed our citizens, who had supposed that Foster, the anti-Lincoln candidate, would carry the State. If the facts turn out as the telegraph represents them, one cause can be assigned for the defeat of Foster and the election of the Black Republican candidate. Foster was nominated by the Democratic State Convention before the smash up of that party in that State, and the Convention endorsed the present Administration of the General Government. We knew this weeks ago, but we thought that , inasmuch as the Constitutional Union men had agreed to choke down their repugnance to the Federal Administration and support Foster, he might be elected. But it seems that the administration of Mr. Buchanan has become so odious that even his own State cannot, even to rebuke sectionalism, be induced to support it. It is a perfect millstone about the neck of any parties that attempt to uphold it. The Convention made a fatal mistake, and the result is that Black Republicanism has obtained a signal triumph, one that will give it an impetus that will, if not soon checked by a cordial union of all elements of the opposition to it, give it a fearful preponderance at the Presidential election. The attempt to endorse the Administration has lost the State of Pennsylvania to the Union cause at this election, if it has not endangered it in the greater struggle. Is it not manifest that the attempt longer to uphold the Administration and its party for the Presidency an only result in strengthening Black Republicans, and thereby indirectly aiding the election of Lincoln?

Is it not now the duty of every patriot, of every man opposed to sectionalism and Abolitionism, of every man who wants the country to remain at peace and its business to go on undisturbed, to rally at once and with all his energies around the standard of Bell and Everett as the only means of averting a great calamity, a sectional Republican victory. It is evident now to all men that the contest is between Bell and Everett and Lincoln and Hamlin.

Page 2, column 2 --
The Cable Across the Mississippi. The telegraph cable brought here some days since, to be laid across the Mississippi river, was in such bad order that it could not be used. Another cable will be brought from New York as soon as possible. It is part of the great Atlantic cable designed to connect Europe and America. Vicksburg Whig


New Orleans, La., Thursday October 11, 1860
Page two, column two.

The telegraph yesterday brought new which affords food for the most serious election on the part of every Southern patriot who loves the Constitution and the Federal Union which sprang from it. In one day, the four States of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Iowa appear to have deliberately ranged themselves on the side of the sectional and aggressive party, headed by Abraham Lincoln – a party whose only element of cohesion is hostility to the political equality, and the material interests of the people of fifteen, out of the thirty-thee States composing the Union. Well will it be, if hereafter, the citizens of a dismembered Republic, once constituted on the harmonious principle of fraternity and equality among the suffrigants of the sovereign States of which it was composed, shall not have cause to celebrate this occurrence as one of mourning and lamentation – a dies irae, the tale to be chanted in gloom, and to be told in sadness and humiliation, amid the fitful glare of torches, and the sad burden of voices which mourn the destruction of the edifice of which GEORGE WASHINGTON was the master-builder, and James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, Roger Sherman and Benjamin Franklin were the overseers of the work.

With us, every hour has it responsibilities; if they be met in the proper spirit, the dangers which they involve may be turned aside, and the general warfare preserved intact. Out of the nettle danger it is almost always possible for brave and self-reliant men to pluck the flower safely. And thus, even now, with the political sky lowering, so gloomily above us, it may be within the capability of the friends of the Constitutional Union to rescue it from impending disaster.

But the great, the absorbing question is, how shall we go to work? How shall we save the Constitution, and in saving it preserve the Federal Union of the States? Can so great, so noble, so God-like, a labor be effected, while division and strife continue to prevail among those whose dearest interests are so deeply involved? Can the South and her peculiar and indispensable institutions stand up against a war of extermination, while her own citizens are divided in sentiment and concerns, not only her rights of equality in the Union, but as respects the manhood and freedom of her sons, and the safety and untarnished honor of her daughters? We will not here advert to the melancholy teachings of history as to the fatal consequences of discord and divisions among communities, whose political independence and integrity have been threatened by stronger and grasping neighbors; impressive though they be, and full of meaning and instruction. We will, so to speak, make the actual position of the Southern States, its only parallel. We will suppose the people of those States, not only free, but worthy to be free; but also firm in their resolve to maintain their freedom, at any cost of blood or treasure.

Under this hypothesis there ought to be common union and common effort, to avert common danger; every man who loves the soil upon which he moves, who is devoted to the political, the social and the material well-being and development of the community in which he dwells, will naturally feel disposed to range himself side by side with those who have similar instincts and impulses, in order to do battle with their foes and his own. If victory be in waiting for the friends of the Constitution, of order and of civilization, over their fanatical and arrogant enemies, it can only be won by cordial and united effort. If unfortunately defeat and disaster are inevitable, it will, at least, be a source of melancholy satisfaction to reflect that no exertion, which patriotism dictated, was wanting to avert them.

As the friends of the Constitution and of the equality of the States of the Federal Union, as those who support candidates standing on a platform which has for its main object the preservation, in all its original beauty and strength, of the work of Washington and his compeers; and in the spirit of friendship and a common brotherhood, we ask of every honest and well-meaning supporter of Bell or Douglas in Louisiana, what can he expect to gain for himself, or the country, by a longer persistence in hostility to Breckinridge and his platform?

In this desperate condition of affairs, what is the South to do?

It must be evident to all candid minds that while the supporters of Douglas, as well as those of Bell, are in a hopeless minority in all the free States, that they are equally so in nearly every one, if not in all of the Southern States. Else, why these thick-coming reports of combinations between those respective elements of the canvass, which reaches is from every quarter of the South? What reasonable and reflecting man, surveying the field of political sentiment in the Southern States, can conscientiously affirm that , even under the most favorable view as regards Mr. Bell, Mr. Breckinridge will not obtain at least two States to his one? Mr. Douglas is entirely out of the question, as no one in his sober senses, concedes that he has the shadow of a chance for a solitary electoral vote. Are the patriotic friends of Bell determined, under such a state of facts, to cluster together aloof from the main body of the Southern people, and to prefer the unreasonable demand that the strongest and most effectual element of resistance to the common enemy much march over to them, as a condition, precedent to their battling for the preservation of our rights and freedoms? Can it indeed be possible that in the ranks of the Bell or the Douglas forces, here in Louisiana, there are men claiming to be animated by a true love for our country, who in the intensity and madness of their opposition to a party, which unquestionably embraces a vast majority of its native or permanent citizens, are prepared to exhibit to the astonished world the spectacle of men, who in the hour of danger prefer their party to their country. Who are to show that they love Caesar more than Rome?

To the honest supporters of Douglas, we would say, in view of the admitted perils of the hour, leave his standard, which leads only to error, and from the good old path of the States Rights Democracy, and hasten to rejoin that which floats above the friends of Breckinridge and Lane; which will lead them into no political ambush, nor commit them to any political heresy. The friends of Bell, we would also ask to look calmly at the ground they occupy, to ask themselves where their ticket has exhibited any strength for good, or any power to turn aside the onward march of sectionalism, and the irrepressible conflict of Seward and Lincoln. We most respectfully remind them that the liberties and equality of the South; nay, even the Union, the Constitution and the enforcement of the laws, are not to be secured against a confident foe, by gorgeous parades and mummeries, nor the dignity of free citizens to be hedged in by the ringing of all the bells, big or little, in Christendom.

Friends of the South, and of the Constitutional Union, we beg you to remember that there is a very grave and serious work before you; a work which you alone have to accomplish. You cannot avoid it, for it is appointed to be done. Go about it, then, in the proper spirit, and if it is to be fated that the Union of these States must perish, let it die with the dignity befitting its illustrious origins, and not with the crazy jingling of Folly’s bells, or the meaningless laugh of Harlequin, sounding discordant notes in its expiring notes.

For the people of the South we conceive that the immediate question for solution is, who is the candidate who most clearly and directly represents Southern feeling and interests, and who ought therefore, to receive Southern support? We feel that that man is Mr. Breckinridge, and we therefore invoke for him the undivided vote of the Southern people. The contest, should yesterday’s accounts be confirmed, is no longer for the Presidency, but for the principles of the Constitution, and the rights of the South under it.

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One Hundred Fifty Years Ago - Oct. 11, 1860
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