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Re: Lincoln's Question...
In Response To: Re: Lincoln's Question... ()

First, as President, he had ownership due to duty, it was his responsibility to enforce.
Second, the primary parts of the act took effect on the 1st day of April, 1861- Lincoln's term.
Third, the Act not only was a tariff, but it gave the President authorization, at any time within twelve months from it's passage, to borrow, on credit, a sum of 10 million dollars to spend as he saw fit and gave him authority to control specific parts of the Tariff.

It was Lincoln's tariff whether he signed it or not.

He also had ownership to the Bill since he ran on the Repulican platform which included this act. He also ran in industrial States supporting this act; Lincoln made speeches stating that this tariff was his highest priority.

"Springfield, Ills. May 12. 1860

My dear Sir

Your brother, Dr. W. S. Wallace, shows me a letter of yours, in which you request him to inquire if you might may use a letter of mine to you,2 in which something is said upon the Tariff question-- I do not precisely remember what I said did say in that letter; but I presume I said nothing substantially different from what I shall say now--

In the days of Henry Clay I was a Henry Clay-tariff-man; and my views have undergone no material change upon that subject-- I now think the Tariff question ought not to be agitated in the Chicago convention; but that all should be satisfied on that point, with a presidential candidate, whose antecedents give assurance that he would neither seek to force a tariff-law by Executive influence; nor yet to arrest a reasonable one, by a veto, or otherwise-- Just such a one candidate I desire shall be nominated-- put in nomination-- I really have no objection to these views being publicly known; but I do wish to thrust no letter before the public now, upon any subject-- Save me from the appearance of obtrusion, and I do not care who sees this, or my former letter-- ... Yours very truly

A. Lincoln."

Pittsburg Speech...

"As with all general propositions, doubtless there will be shades of difference in construing this-- I have, by no means, a thoroughly matured judgment upon this subject -- especially as to details-- Some general ideas are about all-- I have long thought that to produce any necessary article at home, which can be made of as good quality, and with as little labor at home as abroad, would better be made at home, at least by the difference of the carrying from abroad-- In such case, the carrying is demonstrably a dead loss of labor-- -- For instance, labor being the true standard of value, is it not plain, that if equal labor get a bar of rail-road bar of iron out of a mine in England, and another out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can be laid down in a track at home, cheaper than they could exchange countries, at least by the cost of carriage--4 If there be a present cause why one can be both made and carried, cheaper in money-price, than the other can be made without carrying, that cause is an unnatural, and injurious one, and ought, gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed--

The condition of the Treasury at this time would seem to render an early revision of the tariff indispensable-- The Morill bill, now pending before congress may, or may not become a law--5 I am not posted as to it's particular provisions; but if they are generally satisfactory, and the bill shall now pass, there will be an end for the present-- If, however, it shall not pass, I suppose the whole subject will be one of the most pressing and important, for the next congress-- By the constitution, the executive may recommend measures which he may think proper; and he may veto those he thinks improper; and it is supposed he may add to these, certain indirect influences to affect the action of congress-- My political education strongly inclines me against any a very free use of any of these means, by the Executive, to control the legislation of the country-- As a rule, I think it better that congress should originate, as well as perfect its measures, without external bias-- I therefore would rather recommend to every gentleman who knows he is to be a member of the next congress, to take an enlarged view, and post himself as thoroughly as possible, so as to contribute his part to such an adjustment of the tariff, as shall produce a sufficient revenue, and in in its other bearings, so far as possible, be just and equal to all sections of the country & classes of the people--"

Abraham Lincoln to G. Yoke Tams

Springfield, Ills-- Sep. 22. 1860

My dear Sir:

Your letter asking me "Are you in favor of a Tariff & Protection to American Industry?" is received-- The convention which nominated me, by the 12 th plank of their platform, selected their position on this question; and I have declared my approval of the platform, and accepted the nomination-- Now, if I were to publicly shift the position, by adding or subtracting anything, the convention would have the right, and probably would be inclined, to displace me as their candidate-- And I feel confident that you, on reflection, would not wish me to give private assurances to be seen by some, and kept secret from others--

I enjoin that this shall, by no means be made public--

Yours Respectfully

A. Lincoln

David Upton

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