On motion of Mr. Chambers, of Mississippi, the special order was called up, which was the consideration of his resolution and those by Messrs. Schaun and Foote, all relating to the employment of negroes in the army. Mr. Chambers' resolution is as follows:
Betolted, That the valor, constancy, and endurance of our citizen soldiers, assisted by the steady codperation of all classes of our population not in the field, will continue a sufficient guaranty of the rights of the States, and of the independence of the Confederate States.
The following is Mr. Schaun's resolution: Resolved, That in the judgment of this House no exigency now exists, nor is likely to occur in the military affairs in the Confederate States, to justify the placing of negro slaves in the army as soldiers in the field.
The resolutions offered by Mr. Foote embrace a series of propositions. The propositions assert that a general levy of the slaves for soldiers is unwise; that their withdrawal from labor would be inexpedient so long as we can otherwise obtain as large an army as wo can maintain; that if the alternative be presented of subjugation or their employment in the ranks, the latter should be preferred; that for the uses to which they are now applied, their ownership by the Government, with prospective emancipation by the consent of the States, as the reward of faithful service, would be expedient; that the number so employed should be increased to forty thousand; concluding with a resolution affirming that it was necessary to have the antecedent consent and sanction of the States to any attempt at conferring emancipation by the Confederate authorities.
The Speaker explained that the House had decided to take up and consider all these resolutions at the same time, as they referred to the same subject. Yet the House could only vote upon one at a time. The first one in order was that of Mr. Chambers. When that was considered and disposed of, that of Mr. Schaun woidd come up, and so on, each taking their turn.
So the resolution of Mr. Chambers coming up for consideration, that gentleman proceeded to express his views in its support. He said that the resolution offered by him only declared an abiding confidence in our citizen soldiery to maintain our cause, and that they needed no other assistance than they were receiving from all other classes cf our population. In other
words, his resolution declared that they did not need the assistance of negro troops. When the President proposed to put forty thousand negroes in the field—when the member from Tennessee favored it—when the member from South Carolina said he had not made up his mind about it—the question could no longer be evaded. It must be met.
The question had been raised at the end of a campaign the most successful that had ever been vouchsafed to the Confederate arms. If our army was prostrated and our people threatened with subjugation—but he did not until then—he could, understand how such a proposition could be made. But why is the country agitated by it now, when the military horizon is bright and encouraging to us ?
[Mr. Chambers here read from that portion of the President's Message reviewing the operations of the armies east and west of the Mississippi, to show that the President himself had presented a most hopeful view of the military prospects of the South.]
Continuing, Mr. Chambers said the whole matter hinged upon the simple question, " Are we approximating exhaustion ? " ne would lay it down as an undeniablo fact, that our army was as large to-day, compared with that of the enemy, as at any time during the war. Taking both sides of the Mississippi, he believed the two armies held the same ratio as they did at the beginning of the campaign. It was said by some that our army was diminished by death, by disease, and by desertions, but it had not suffered as much from these causes as the Yankee army. He confessed that desertions in our army wero great, but not half so great as in the Yankee army. There were thousands of men at home, from the non-execution of the laws, who should be in the army. The President had said in his Macon speech, that two-thirds of the array were absent. This was the subject that should demand the attention of Congress, rather than to be made the plea for employing negroes as soldiers in our armies. The authorities must be made to know, that when laws are passed by Congress they must be enforced and obeyed. Unless Congress correct the system of furlough and enforce the laws we will not be able to drive back the enemy. There are 250,000 men at homo subject to military duty under the present law, and he could prove it by the papers upon his desk, if it did not consume too much time. Yet gentlemen say we are sinking, and appeal to African troops to save us! They appeal to them to come and help us to secure our independence. The President appeals to the sympathy of tho negro. He held out to him the promise of a home. But the Yankee said he would give him a home and the right of property. The President can offer him no motive which the enemy cannot easily counteract by offering him a higher one. To our offer of freedom they would offer freedom and a home in the South after our subjugation, as well as exemption from military service meanwhile.